MeToo Is Changing Even the Smarmiest Advertisers – WIRED


WIRED

MeToo Is Changing Even the Smarmiest Advertisers
WIRED
In 2016, the National Center on Sexual Exploitation sent a letter to a fast-growing content marketing network called RevContent. The nonprofit watchdog was concerned about the way some of RevContent's advertisers portrayed women. The network regularly
Qordoba Seeks Patent for Measuring Emotion in Product and Marketing Content Across Different LanguagesEContent (press release)

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The Silent B*tch: Confessions Of The Other Kind of ‘Crazy B*tch’

We all know about the crazy bitch.” She falls too hard too fast. She goes batsh*t when she sees you with another girl. She calls you 72 times at three in the morning because she just misses you so much.

I have done a lot of writing about this girl, because Im fascinated by her. Im fascinated by the fierce boldness with which she lives her life, because I’m the polar opposite. I lead a life marked by total cowardice.

I dont fall “too hard too fast” because I never let myself fall at all. I dont go batsh*t when I see you with another girl, because Im too busy finding myself another guy to use to get even. I wont call you 72 times at three in the morning because I will never call you at all.

I once had a boy I was seeing tell me that his time with me was simultaneously the best and worst four months of his life. When I asked why, he told me that it was because Im the most vague person alive.

Despite all of our good times together, he could never be completely sure about what I was thinking or feeling, and that left him totally insecure.

The crazy part is that I liked him. I liked him a lot. But hes right; Im PAINFULLY vague when it comes to what Im thinking and feeling in the realm of dating.

Ive recently realized this does not make me sane. This just makes me another kind of crazy bitch — the silent bitch.

The ironic part of my kind of crazy is that I think a lot of it stems from my fear of being labeled the crazy girl.” I dont want to be that stalker following you around at the party, just like I dont want to be that needy girl begging you to hang out every day.

So, while that girls craziness is driven by a loud and clear vocalization of what she is thinking and feeling at all times, mine is driven more by a silent and “vague” refusal to show any sort of emotion.

Instead of blurting out my feelings too soon, Ill never blurt them at all.

No, I will never be that girl who blurted out I love you too soon. But I also wont be the one who says “I love you” when I actuallydolove you.

In fact, theres a high chance that I’ll never say those three words at all.

I have found that my main goal when I actually do have feelings for peopleis to convince them that I absolutely dont have any feelings for them at all.

Because that makes total sense, right?


Instead of stalking your social media incessantly, Ill ignore your friend request.

Keeping you away from my news feed is just another cautionary step taken against falling too hard. I will not be stalking your profile all the way back to 2007, because I will not be stalking your profile at all.

What if I saw a picture of you with another girl, and it made me, like, I dont know…feel something?! NO, THANK YOU. Count me out.

Im so overly cautious about letting you into my world at all that I will not even allow you into my social media world. I just see it as the one realm over which I really do hold some control.

So of course Im going to ignore your friend request.


Instead of calling you out, Ill expect you to figure it out.

The root of my particular brand of crazy is my totally and completely crippling fear of confrontation.

I avoid confrontation as a rule. I would rather the world end tomorrow than have an honest, matter-of-fact conversation with you about how I feel.

This is why I will NEVER call you out on your sh*t. While the other kind of crazy bitch would show up to your front door screaming if she ever heard about you seeing someone else, I would simply ghost you and expect you to eventually figure out why.


Instead of crowding you, Ill pull away.

If were at the same party, I wont give you any attention at all. In fact, I will make it a point to talk to everybody except you.

If Im bored one day and all I really want to do is snuggle with you and watch movies all day, I will settle for watching Netflix by myself and patiently wait for you to text me.

Which brings me to my next point.


Instead of blowing up your phone, Ill refuse to text first.

Ill just go ahead and say it: I CARE about text ratios. Im honestly pretty anal about them. One could even say Im crazy about them.

Im so crazy about them that if my house was on fire, and I wanted to text you how I really felt before the flames swallowed me whole (probably the only circumstance I actually might feel comfortable honestly telling you how I feel), and I saw that I had already had the last word in our most recent conversation (thus making this a double text), I would go ahead and die without ever having said how I felt.


Instead of falling hard, Ill never fall at all.

The other kind of crazy bitch is bold and fearless when it comes to love. No matter how many times she has her heart broken, she is ready to fall hard and fast for the next potential Prince Charming.

Unlike her, I have never had my heart broken — mostly because I am so afraid of having it broken that I will never give anyone the chance.

While her craziness is marked by extreme boldness, mine comes from deep cowardice.


Instead of getting jealous, Ill get even.

Jealousy is natural; I would be lying if I said that I literally never gotjealous. It’s just how I choose to deal with my jealousy that separates me from most other people.

If I see you with another girl, I wont call you out. I wont burst into tears at the bar. I wont send you a long string of angry texts for the rest of the night and the following morning.

Ill just hook up with someone else and move on.


Instead of letting you break my heart into a million pieces, Ill never give you my heart to break.

The crazy bitch we all know is DEVASTATED after a breakup. There are tears everywhere, angry tweets and probably a few screaming matches with her now-ex.

A breakup with me would be the complete opposite. No tears. No tweets. No yelling. I will suffer in total and complete silence.

You might think this would be the bright side of never letting yourself fall in too deep because it wont hurt as badly in the end.

But the fact of the matter is that it hurts just as bad. The pain is just different. It’s marked by regret.

I think to myself, maybe, if I did put myself out there more or were more honest about how I was feeling, this wouldnt be happening right now.

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Percolate Leads Pack in First-Ever Gartner Magic Quadrant analysis for Content Marketing Platforms – PR Newswire (press release)

Percolate Leads Pack in First-Ever Gartner Magic Quadrant analysis for Content Marketing Platforms
PR Newswire (press release)
SAN FRANCISCO, April 3, 2018 /PRNewswire/ — Percolate, the System of Record for Marketing®, today announced it has been positioned by Gartner, Inc. in the Leaders quadrant of the "Magic Quadrant for Content Marketing Platforms 2018", the first such

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Jewish and Arab pupils talk of unity, but Israel has never been so divided

The voices of nationalism and separation are growing louder as rightwing populism dominates and tensions continue to escalate

The boys file in first: noisy Jewish teenagers in kippahs, students at Jerusalems Himmelfarb high school. The girls come next, most wearing headscarves Israeli Arabs from the Ort school for girls in Lod.

There is a call for quiet and the final group of visitors files in to sit on the platform Israels president, Reuven Rivlin, and the education minister, Naftali Bennett.

The first question addressed to the dignitaries comes from 16-year-old Baraa Isa, one of the Ort school girls. Is it possible, she stands to ask, that you can add or change something of the national symbols of the state so we can identify with them. So we can feel part of society?

Rivlin answers with reference to a line from the Israeli national anthem, HaTikvah, The Hope, and how it says that a Jewish soul still yearns a song and line problematic for many of Israels Arab citizens. The question you are asking needs to be on the national agenda in the next generation or two, he says. This is a dilemma we cant ignore. It needs to be addressed by leaders, by members of Knesset who were chosen by the people.

At this point, we have to base the existence of the state of Israel on a Jewish state, and a democratic one. We have to hold on to and strengthen the Zionist dream, which often causes friction with those citizens who are not Zionist.

The event at the Himmelfarb school, part of an initiative by Rivlin to build bridges between Israels communities, stands in sharp contrast to the current atmosphere in Israel, where those whose voices are loudest seem more interested in emphasising separation and nationalism. That has fuelled fears of a widening division between Israels Jews and Arabs as Israel has moved ever further to the right since Binyamin Netanyahu was returned for his second spell as prime minister in 2009 a period marked by a heightened political rhetoric against Israeli Arabs.

Jewish
Jewish and Arab pupils from the Ort school in Lod and the Himmelfarb school in Jerusalem wait for the countrys president, Reuven Rivlin, at an event to encourage closer contacts between the two communities. Photograph: Peter Beaumont for the Observer

This trend has been highlighted in recent months by polls, comments and initiatives by rightwing politicians on issues as diverse as whether Arab medical staff should work in Israeli maternity wards, on housing and even who is acceptable as a teacher.

Most stark were the findings earlier this year by the US Pew Research Centre in its report, Israels Religiously Divided Society. The bleakest sections of this depiction of the multiple social divisions in Israeli society were those dealing with relations between Israeli Arabs who are a 20% minority in Israel, or 1.4 million out of a population of 8.5 million and Jews.

Among its headlines were the claims that 79% of Jews questioned believed that they should get preferential treatment, with the same survey finding that nearly half of Israeli Jews agreed to some degree that Arabs should be expelled or transferred from Israel with roughly one in five Jewish adults strongly agreeing.

It has been underscored by a growing and vocal anxiety even among some figures on Israels right over trends in society and democracy, as Israels politics have become more nationalist, not least after Netanyahu brought the ultra-nationalist Avigdor Lieberman into his coalition as defence minister. The reality is that even before Liebermans return to Netanyahus newly configured government the most rightwing in Israels history a series of initiatives by rightwing ministers had focused attention on issues of race and identity.

Among them have been a new 500-page civics textbook To Be Citizens in Israel produced under Bennetts watch in May, which has been accused of largely editing out Israeli Arabs and their experiences. The books message is impossible to mistake, argued a Haaretz editorial condemning it after it was unveiled. Jewish identity, as expressed in the states definition of itself and in the public sphere, takes priority over civic identity. This mainly reflects the views of an orthodox, conservative, rightwing strain of Judaism.

The text contains no model of shared life between Jews and Arabs. The Jews rights are clear; the Arabs place is restricted; and the walls separating them are only raised even higher. The racism that is ripping Israeli society apart receives almost no mention.

Israel
Israel police detain an Israeli Arab during clashes in Nazareth in October. Photograph: Baz Ratner/Reuters

The furore over the book which superseded one that rightwing parties such as Bennetts complained was too critical of the state has not been an isolated incident. In December, Bennetts ministry removed a book, Dorit Rabinyans Borderlife, that depicted a love story between an Israeli woman and a Palestinian man, from the curriculum of Israeli secular state schools. A proposed amendment to Israels basic law effectively its constitution that would make it possible for the Knesset to expel members, has also been criticised by Israeli Arab parties, who believe it was aimed at reducing their representation.

Outside the realm of political rhetoric, another factor has been at work a deep sense of mutual anxiety and suspicion fuelled, in part, by the recent wave of violence between Palestinians and Israelis that began last autumn and whose influence has leached into communal relations in Israel.

In the most recent incident, video emerged of five off-duty Israeli police officers, out of uniform, savagely beating an Israeli Arab supermarket worker in Tel Aviv after he queried why one was asking for his ID. The question that remains open, however, is how much politicians talk of separation reflects reality and how much it simply mirrors the increased prominence of rightwing nationalist politics in Israel, as the country has been moving to the right.

And behind that question lies a more fundamental one how toxic the politics of identity and division, opportunist and populist as they sometimes are, might prove to Israels democracy.

While Israel is far from alone in experiencing the rise of rightwing populism it is also being witnessed in the US and Europe what makes it different is the context of the long Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territories that has persisted since 1967. Indeed, it is precisely the shared sense of identity and history and family ties between Israeli Arabs and Palestinians in the occupied territories unsurprising because they were the same people in pre-Israel British Mandate Palestine that for some on the Israeli right makes Israeli Arabs seem suspect.

Dahlia Scheindlin, a pollster and political analyst, says she and her colleagues started noticing a far more overt discourse about the issue in 2009 and have only recently tried to quantify what it means. I think this is more visible, in part, because it has been legitimised by the current politics. You started seeing more rhetoric around race and ethnicity when Lieberman began emerging as a political force after 2006, when he ran with his own party, she said.

He was talking about his population exchange plan [to transfer Israeli Arabs into a future Palestine]. Even then it was clear he felt it was legitimate to target Arabs in Israel. Later he would be talking about no citizenship without loyalty. He was very, very explicit and comfortable on that platform. And as Lieberman started to advance legislation around that, Likud [Netanyahus party] got scared. All societies have a latent xenophobia. Lieberman tapped into it.

Israeli
Israeli youths holding mock guns relive the battle for Jerusalem during the six day war in 1967. Photograph: Abir Sultan/EPA

And Liebermans message perhaps beyond even the divisive legislation that his party championed was no more clearly expressed than in a television debate during last years elections when he attacked Ayman Odeh, the leader of the Joint Arab List in the Knesset, and one of the most prominent critics of discrimination against Israeli Arabs. Why did you come to this studio and not to a studio in Gaza? Lieberman railed at him. Why arent you standing for election in Ramallah [the main city in the occupied Palestinian territories] rather than in the Israeli Knesset? Why are you even here? Youre not wanted here.

The sense of a growing division on both sides, experts say, has also worked in counterintuitive ways. One hope was that the slow emergence of a new and better-off Israeli Arab middle class might lead to more social mobility and integration. Instead, there is some evidence that the opposite has happened, with new spending power concentrating in gyms and malls, for instance, in Israeli Arab towns and neighbourhoods, reinforcing the separation.

But not everyone is convinced that the growing incidence of xenophobic discourse not least on social media on both sides and the recent evidence of a move to rightwing nationalist policies are necessarily embraced by a majority of Israelis.

Sammy Smooha, an anthropologist and sociologist at Haifa University, who has long studied attitudes in Israel via his Index of Arab-Jewish Relations in Israel, points out that despite an April poll suggesting that 49% of Jews would not want an Arab living in their apartment building, some 90% of Israeli Arabs live in Israeli Arab towns and neighbourhoods anyway. He adds, too, that the most visible and strongly expressed views are confined to the nationalist ends of the spectrum, among both Jews and Israeli citizens of Palestinian origin.

I have spent years trying to understand what is going on in the middle, among the silent majority. There is a willingness there on the part of Jews to accommodate Arabs in schools and neighbourhoods, he said. And Arabs express a willingness to be accommodated in Jewish towns. There is a big gap between attitudes and reality of separation. Is it getting worse over the years? Yes, to some extent I can see that in my surveys for the past 13 years there is less willingness, but still there is still a large willingness.

There is more public expression of hostility on both sides yes.

Paradoxically, on the Israeli Arab side, both Smooha and Scheindlin argue that that has been encouraged by the emergence of a better-educated and wealthier group in Israeli Arab society who are far more willing to speak out about discrimination. Smooha echoes the question asked by 16-year-old Baara Isa in the Himmelfarb school. In the west, there is a civic nationalism that creates an entity say the French people or the American people an idea of people-hood regardless of religion and ethnicity, where all citizens have a common stake. In Israel, that does not exist. There is no civic nation in Israel. Arabs are attached to an Arab national idea and Jews to the Jewish nation.

He agrees with Scheindlin on the influence of Israels ever more right-leaning politics. The current state of the political dialogue is very influential and it is very animating.

What he is less certain about is how far and in what direction that rhetoric is actually carrying Israelis.And for his part, Israels President Rivlin a rightwing politician and member of Netanyahus Likud party, under whose auspices the event at the Himmelfarb school took place has bluntly dramatised what he sees as the growing problem.

Speaking last year at an event to encourage Israels biggest companies to employ more Israeli Arabs in managerial positions, he asked: How many of us Jews know colleagues at work who are Arab? How many of us have true friends who are Arab? How many of us know the agenda of the Arab public, or the differences dividing their society?

A huge gap has grown over the years between two societies that live next to each other and with each other, and yet are blind to each other We must admit the painful truth: namely, that for the majority of Jewish-Israeli society, the Arab public occupies a blind spot.

After Rivlin and Bennett had left the Himmelfarb school, Baraa Isas headteacher, Shireen Natur, remained in the playground with some of her girls for photographs. She hopes that initiatives like Rivlins will crack some of the ice. We are separated. We are really divided. There is racism on both sides. The problem is when you dont know the other and you are afraid, separation is the result.

You know I used to be a Hebrew teacher. For 14 years. Things will only change when Arabs can teach Hebrew in Jewish schools, and Jews can teach Arabic.

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Kim Kardashian Is Claiming North West Is A Social Media Master At 2 — Do You Buy Her Story About This Suspicious Upload?

Riiiight.

So

Kanye West‘s wife — who has been pining for her slimmer, non-pregnant bod as of late — loved the shot so much, she decided to repost it to her pages with the caption:

“North posted this while playing games on my phone. Not sure why or how she chose it but I’m not complaining! LOL I deleted it so now reposting it myself! #FBF from 10 years ago.”

OK… whatever you say, Kim.

On the other hand, North’s poppa has said in the past their first born often buys apps on their phones, so who knows.

Yesterday we reported that Kimye’s baby boy due in December was already the best dressed celeb kid in the game, and that continues to ring true as the KUWTK star showed off the highly-coveted marbled Yeezy Boosts made specially for baby ‘Ye.

Ch-ch-check out the adorably small sneaks (below)!

Baby Ye #1of1A photo posted by Kim Kardashian West (@kimkardashian) on Nov 6, 2015 at 8:30am PST

Oh, Kimmy…

Do U think it was an accident or was Kim just looking for an excuse to show off her assets?? SOUND OFF in the comments!

[Image via Instagram.]

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